Countries of the Arabian Gulf can be broadly grouped into two categories. The first are those comprising the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), namely: Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, Oman, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates. Non-GCC countries include Iran, Iraq, Jordan, and Yemen. This paper does not take into consideration non-GCC countries. Generally, the governments of the region are traditional monarchies governed by constitutional law, which more or less institutionalizes the customs and social mores of the region's Muslim heritage. The socio-political structure in any Gulf Arab state can be classified as benevolent-authoritarian. Some countries are more advanced politically than others; for example, the success of the National Assembly in Kuwait serves as a model for the other states in the region. Except for Kuwait, GCC countries have no political parties and consequently no political elections. Yet, up to the present these countries have been politically stable, and there has been no serious political issue that could impact the climate. (Recent events in Bahrain may prove otherwise, however). The original inhabitants consisted of nomadic tribes. Settled agriculture was practiced in areas around oases, and fishing and pearl diving villages dotted the coasts.
The economies of the region are, to a very large extent, dependent on income derived from the exploitation of oil and natural gas, and subsidiary industries. Historically, this has been a recent development spanning the last 50-60 years. The region was originally very poor, residually colonized by Ottoman Turks, and in the late 19th century became politically dependent on the United Kingdom. During the first quarter of the 20th century, vast reserves of petroleum were discovered in the region. This natural resource has become very important to the modern world, and consequently, the exploitation of petroleum has been a source of extraordinary wealth for these desert economies. Although heavily dependent on petroleum, countries like Bahrain face diminishing petroleum reserves, and accordingly have diversified into manufacturing, finance and service fields to reduce such dependence on oil revenues. The country now plays a prominent role in the Gulf as a regional, commercial, and financial center. Qatar's oil resources are also diminishing, and its economic future lies in the exploitation of liquefied natural gas (LNG). Qatar may have the largest gas reserves in the world.
All the governments in the region encourage diversification of their economies through the setting up of development projects (steel, fertilizer and petrochemical complexes, etc.) and locally based manufacturing. However, they still remain heavily dependent on imports for most of their provisions (food, clothing, building materials and machinery). Aside from retail and construction, the state owns most basic industries and services.
Since the mid-1980s, Arabian Gulf economies have been seriously affected by a recession caused by low global oil prices and the astronomical costs of the Gulf War. The Gulf states spend heavily on foreign troops and military hardware (mainly from the US) on the pretext of protecting themselves from revolutionary Islamic fundamentalism and political terrorism. The regional economies are leaning towards maintaining barrier-free global trade in the pursuit of "progress," and to meet the growing expectations of a generation of local citizens nurtured by great material luxury and a taste for western culture. The transition from an "undeveloped, impoverished" traditional culture to modern affluence has taken place in a very short time and cultural shock waves are now beginning to be noticed.
An influx of migrant workers was required to exploit the natural resources and build a regional infrastructure. Historically, population density in the region was very low, but the rapid economic and social development characterizing the 1970s and 1980s was made possible only by the large recruitment of a migrant labor force. The local economies became heavily dependent on migrant workers to fulfill labor requirements. From sweeper/cleaner to managing director, in both skilled and unskilled sectors, it is the migrant worker who drives local economies in the Gulf. The population of migrant workers vastly outnumber local populations; for example, in the UAE, only 14% are original inhabitants; and in Qatar, about 20%. Special benefits, an identity card regime, and strict immigration controls heavily protect local citizens.
Although national development plans stress self-reliance and localization of the labor force, a significant reduction of migrant workers is yet to be seen. However, intensive government education and training programs are increasing the job opportunities for local citizens, especially in government controlled organizations. Local residents command higher wages and benefits. Many dominate managerial or supervisory positions but are still dependent on migrant workers to do much of their work. It has been noticed that local social structures seem to be fragmenting into different strata of wealth.
Far from reducing their dependence on migrant workers, developing local economies have actually shown an increased need for imported manpower. A disturbing recent trend has been the restriction in the issuing of work permits to nationals of certain countries (India, Pakistan). Filipinos, Sri Lankans, Nepalese and North Africans are replacing migrant workers from the Indian Subcontinent. Another cause for concern has been the replacement of entrenched skilled manpower with cheaper, and often seriously deficient, manpower.
A huge disparity in wages (100 - 250%) exists between migrant and local workers, including those doing the same job. Due to the recession - caused by the economic slump of the 1980s and concomitant cash-flow problems - migrant workers, especially laborers, suffer delays in salary payments. The resultant emotional strain on the migrant worker can be devastating.
The typical migrant worker in the Gulf is healthy and young (18-35 years old). He/she comes from the Indian subcontinent, the Far East or Africa. Sending countries are both developing and underdeveloped, characterized with a low GNP, high inflation and unemployment. Many workers are from rural agricultural communities; many are also illiterate or semiliterate, and unskilled or semiskilled. Except for housemaids and nannies, nurses, and secretaries, the workforce is almost entirely male. For most migrant workers, employment in the Gulf is a means to wealth unobtainable back home. For some it is the only means to settle outstanding debts. Migrant workers are firmly committed to supporting their families and relatives, often sacrificing themselves for the needs of others. They are often taken for granted, exploited by greedy family members, friends and agents. They are a source of vital foreign exchange that helps to strengthen the economies of their home countries.
Recruitment of migrant workers is usually done through recruiting agencies that are not monitored by governments of sending countries (except the Philippines). Recruitment is also done through relatives, friends and free-lance recruiters. The typical migrant worker in the Arabian Gulf requires a sponsor who may be an individual or a company or a government organization.
The sponsor is not always a migrant worker's direct employer. The sponsor obtains employment visas for the required number of migrant workers from the local Immigration Office. The visa is then passed on, sometimes through as many as three middlemen, each of whom taking a commission, until the visa reaches the recruiter/agent. The recruiter then selects an applicant for a job based more on his/her ability to pay the recruiting charge (up to US$1,500 for India and Pakistan and US$500-1,000 for Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Nepal, etc.), than a proven ability or even a desire to do a particular job. And the "job" in question is very often nonexistent. For example, the worker is told by a recruiting agent back home that he is being hired as a truck driver, but once he reaches his destination discovers that he has really been hired as a goat-herder! The recruiting fee ostensibly covers expenses involved in obtaining visas, air tickets, paying government- imposed tariffs etc., but is often the maximum that can be squeezed out of a job seeker. For a further charge, false documents may also be prepared (recommendation letters, education certificates etc.). The migrant worker is then subjected to a medical test at a clinic approved by the receiving country's embassy. These clinics are often in league with both embassy officials and the recruiter, and may even take bribes to falsify the medical reports. Presently, if the migrant worker (excluding domestics) persists in demanding a contract, it may be provided. In the Philippines, a labor contract is mandatory by law, but this is not required in other sending countries. After completion of all formalities, one's passport is stamped with a visa and an air ticket is provided by the employer.
On arrival at the airport of the receiving country, the migrant worker is met by the sponsor's agent who then takes custody of the passport and accompanies him/her to the place of work. At the work place, the migrant worker may be forced to sign a fresh contract, usually in the local language (Arabic). This is often incomprehensible to the migrant worker, and changes are often made to suit the employer. Specific clauses are often included which force the migrant worker to surrender basic human rights. These may be inadmissible in a court of law, but due to ignorance on part of the migrant worker, he/she feels bound by the conditions. It is rare for any contract copy to be given to a domestic worker.
It is the responsibility of the sponsor to apply for a residence permit for the worker. This requires the worker to be fingerprinted. Since fingerprinting usually holds connotations of crime or wrongdoing, the process can be psychologically stressful. Further, a medical checkup is also conducted on blood, urine and stool, along with a chest X-Ray. Infectious diseases such as tuberculosis, leprosy, and HIV/AIDS are grounds for immediate deportation. There have been cases where the sponsors have not processed the residence permit after forms were filled, fingerprinting was done, and medical tests completed, in order to harass the migrant worker. At the time of renewal of the residence permit, the sponsor or sponsor's agent may sometimes demand a fee from the migrant worker.
About 50-60% of migrant workers are domestics (cooks, servants, housemaids, nannies, gardeners) or laborers (carpenters, masons, plumbers, fitters, electricians). 30% work as salesmen, secretaries, clerks, peons and office boys, and about 7% are technical staff. Managers, business executives, pilots, etc. form merely about 1% of the total workforce. About 80% of migrant workers are men.
Average monthly wages for domestic workers and laborers are as low as US$120 (with accommodation) but generally range from US$150 to 300. Administrative, service and office staff earn between US$300-700. Technical staff earn between US$500-800, while managers earn between US$1,000-3,000. Experts can earn as much as US$4,000+. The number of professional women is too small to determine whether there is equality in wages. The only known exception where equal pay exists is in the nursing profession. Single migrant workers remit to their home country about 50-90% of their wages while married workers remit about 25-70%
Laborers are often forced to live in crowded prefabricated rooms (accommodating four or more workers in an area 30 feet x 20 feet). Many are housed in substandard structures, including tin sheds. In view of the extreme climatic conditions (temperatures can reach 50?C with high humidity), an air conditioner becomes a necessity but often may not be provided. Washing and toilet facilities may also be inadequate. Some workers are given residence on the work-site itself.
Qatar has enacted regulations concerning safety and health, but enforcement can be lax. At the work-site, safety precautions are rarely observed. Local construction companies and small-scale industries do not always provide safety equipment and first aid kits. It is known for employers to deduct the cost of a laborer's tools from his wages, or force him to buy food from a particular supplier. Besides the harsh climate, some laborers are exposed to hazardous chemicals, high noise levels, toxic fumes, and particulate matter (wood shavings, dust, cement powder, asbestos dust, etc.).
It is often difficult for workers to claim compensation for illness caused by hazardous working conditions. Compensation in case of severe accidents (loss of limb or sight) or death has to be referred through the religious (Sharia) court. Sometimes the repatriation of a worker's dead body depends on the kindness of the sponsor or the help of embassies and NGOs. Problems experienced by migrant workers in terms of perceived difficulties can be categorized into the following major areas : overwork (50+%), emotional and physical abuse (30%), unpaid wages (10%), and contract disputes (5-10%). Complaints about poor or inadequate working conditions are infrequent.
In the region, there are two kinds of courts - a Civil Court that deals with matters in the general public and commercial forum, and a Sharia (religious) court that deals with family problems (divorce and inheritance disputes) and criminal cases. Criminal suspects are usually charged within two to three days. Migrant workers everywhere face certain restrictions. Except for Saudi Arabia, where the issuance of internal passports severely restricts physical mobility, most workers enjoy freedom of movement. The right of association, however, is strictly limited, and all workers (local citizens and migrants) are prohibited from forming labor unions. In Qatar, strikes are permitted only after the case has been presented to and ruled upon by the Labor Conciliation Board. The right to strike does not exist for government employees, domestic workers or members of an employer's family. The employer may close the place of work or dismiss workers after the Labor Conciliation Board has heard the case. Although labor law provides for joint consultative committees, they may not discuss wages; they only consider issues of productivity, work organization, conditions of employment, worker training and safety measures and their implementation. Collective bargaining is prohibited, as employers unilaterally set wages.
The dependency of a migrant worker on his sponsor for employment and a residency permit leaves him vulnerable to abuse. In some GCC countries, workers require their sponsor/employer's consent in writing to leave the country (exit permit). This may be withheld to force longer working periods, and a charge is sometimes levied for the consent letter.
Although law prescribes a 48-hour week with a 24-hour rest period, it is not enforced; nor does it apply to domestic employees. Domestic workers often work seven days a week, 12+ hours per day with few or no holidays, and no effective way to redress grievances against their employers. Apparently, no universal minimum wage has been set for the region.
Abuse of migrant women occurs, but due to recent international media exposure, this is becoming less widespread. In the case of Qatar, the government has recently shown increasing willingness to investigate, arrest, and punish offenders, be they citizens or foreigners. However, citizens usually receive lighter punishment. In any event, many workers suffering abuse do not press charges for fear of losing their jobs.
There are basically three options through which migrant worker problems may be settled: (1) employer/worker dialogue; if this fails (2) embassy intervention or mediation; and as a last resort (3) approach to the police and Labor or Sharia Courts. A worker's case should be thoroughly documented and studied before any of the above actions can begin, unless of course, the employer's behavior precludes this. Prevention of a problem is always a better option than attempting a cure.
Mediators to be used should include sympathetic local authorities, embassy staff and prominent or well-placed migrant workers. Those supporting migrant worker interests must nurture a relationship with local authorities, major employers and recruitment agents. Moreover, it is in the interest of sending countries to appoint labor representatives conversant in the local language of the receiving countries. Such a move would greatly improve the bargaining power of migrant workers.
The governments of sending countries must be persuaded to protect their citizens' rights and support their diplomatic staff for such actions without fear of irritating host governments. The welfare of migrant workers should never be sacrificed for fear of upsetting the commercial apple cart. In fact, the presumed "good relationship" between a sender and host government must be exploited to more effectively address human rights issues involving migrant workers. Registration of workers by their respective governments is necessary for the proper redress of problems involving migrants.
All departing migrant workers should be provided with some sort of assistance manual/pamphlet written in the languages spoken or understood by most workers in the Gulf (Sinhalese, Malayalam, Tagalog, Tamil, Thai, Hindi, Urdu and English). Such manuals should be brief and to the point. The purpose of the manuals is to inform migrants about their rights and the applicable local laws. Instructions should also be provided on the redressing of grievances through labor courts, police reports and embassies. They must also provide important "Do's and Don'ts" in terms of the cultural and religious environment of the Arabian Gulf. In addition, names, addresses and telephone numbers of embassies and potential help-organizations must also be included. Telephone numbers of friendly faces (migrants who can help) can be maintained at embassies.
(See also: Foreign Domestic Helpers in Hong Kong: Assistance Manual, Asian Migrant Centre, 1992).
This report was based on the following sources:
"Migrant Workers in the Arabian Gulf", paper submitted at the conference, "Migrant Workers Challenging Global Structures," August 28 - September 2, 1996, Seoul, Korea.
Foreign Domestic Helpers in Hong Kong: Assistance Manual, Asian Migrant Centre, 1992